The defence case in the long-running trial of the nine SASO/BPC members opened at the end of March with expert evidence from Dr Rick Turner, a Natal University political scientist who was banned in 1973, who stated that the SASO and BPC documents he had read claimed that means other than violence were needed to bring about change in South Africa.
This was the constant thread of the defence case. The second witness was Dr Manas Buthelezi, Secretary-General of the SA Lutheran Church, who said SASO had helped to bring about black solidarity and mutual aid.
Steve Biko (36) SASO's first president, told the court of SASO's formation, and said their task was to "fight against defeatism, develop hope and build humanity". SASO objectives were one man one vote, in a plural society without discrimination. Of the BPC he said it operated within the law and was non-violent. Outlining its policy on education he said "the aim was to combat education based on a policy we suspect is intended to divide us... calculated to educate us for a certain society (which) does not train us for independent thinking but instead for a subservient role". Blacks were charged with terrorism, he added, but white terrorism in the form of baton charges, forced removals and starvation went unchallenged.
On 12 April the first of the accused, Saths Cooper, began to give evidence. At the time of going to press the trial was still continuing. Most of the witnesses took the opportunity to defend and expand the philosophy of Black Consciousness as well as specific actions alleged against them.
Saths Cooper (25) who faces six charges, said Black Consciousness was born of "genuine aspirations of the Black masses and gave positive expression to these aspirations". It aimed at gaining black majority support in order to bargain with whites from a position of strength, but decided not to seek confrontation with the state. He said there was no form of SASO 'supreme command' as had been alleged, and that SASO had not gone ahead with the Frelimo rally in Durban despite the ban: a large crowd of people had arrived anyway. Asked by the prosecutor if BPC had ever considered sending people abroad for military training, Cooper said BPC rejected all forms of violence.
Questioning Cooper, the judge commented "As I see it, the whole trial turns on whether BPC used Black Consciousness to prepare the masses for violence."
Dr. Nchaupe Aubrey Mokoape, a doctor at Durban's King Edward Hospital at the time of his arrest, said Black Consciousness meant the 'humanisation' of black people. BPC aspired to democracy, to normalise the 'sick society' of South Africa, and to communalism, which involved the idea of sharing. Of the Sharpeville memorial rallies, he said they "were merely for the purpose of remembering historical events, remembering those who fought for freedom, and to show the white superstructure that we did not like this sort of thing." Questioned, he said blacks saw the SA Police as political enemies and the present government as an illegal regime.
Mosiuoa Patrick Lekota (28) former SRC member at the University of the North and SASO organiser in Durban, said it was 'naive' to suggest that SASO urged blacks to hate whites. They struggled for psychological and physical liberation.
Pandelani Nefolohodwe (29) former SASO president, rejected the allegation that a speech made by him in 1974 had been anti-white. He had told the meeting that blacks must now take it on themselves to bring about change. SASO told people to hate racism and oppression, not whites, and did not seek to confront the state but "to make people perceive their existential problems" through the process of community projects. On the Bantustan policy he said "Buthelezi is a system boy and must defend it. He is being used to further the policy of his bosses."
Gilbert Sedibe (25) former president of the University of the North SRC, said when he joined SASO in 1972 it "did not bring anything new to me such as telling me that the white man was an enemy, rapist or killer. SASO told me what I experienced daily." He denied that SASO had been responsible for some of the placards at the Turfloop Frelimo rally which read "Samora Machel is coming - Vorster must go" and "Drown them".
Muntu Myeza, former SASO president, told the court that only Harry Singh, a state witness and suspected police informer, had urged the holding of the Durban Frelimo rally despite the ban. Myeza had gone to the stadium to tell the crowd that the meeting had been banned and why; he accused newspapers of saying in advance that SASO would defy the ban, but this was not the case. He added that SASO was opposed to 'multi-national' sports contests and to the policy of forcibly uprooting and settling blacks.
