Previous issues of FOCUS have included material on what one newspaper in Namibia has described as "the filthiest ever election campaign in South West Africa", in which "standards of political campaigning sank to an all-time low". (WO 2.12.78; see FOCUS 17, 18 & 19)
Two months after the South African-organised elections, when the existence of a Constituent Assembly in Namibia dominated by the tribally-based Democratic Turnhalle Alliance has been accepted as a fait accompli in many quarters, it remains essential to stress the fraudulent nature of the proceedings. The results — an alleged 80.2% turnout of registered voters, of whom 82% voted for the DTA — cannot be regarded as a genuine test of the opinions and aspirations of the black majority.
The South African government, whose right to be in Namibia was withdrawn in 1966 by the UN General Assembly, had no right in international law to organise the elections in the first place. Election practices which might not be considered unusual in other contexts took on a totally different complexion in a country occupied by up to 60,000 foreign troops and run as a police state — and in which relations between the voters and the South African government officials supposedly helping them to vote are characterised by deep-rooted suspicion and distrust. An impressive array of political and administrative measures — from the expenditure of huge resources on the DTA'S election campaign to the extension of voting for a 5-day period from 4–8 December — were employed to guarantee a high turnout. Once at the polls, the voter had little real choice.
VOTER REGISTRATION Even South Africa's Chief Electoral Officer in Namibia, Mr. Lourens de Kock, admitted on the last day of voter registration that the lack of proper identification procedures meant that people not eligible to vote could have been entered on the voters' roll by giving false information about themselves. The authorities would have little chance of uncovering the offence before the elections, he said. (RDM 21.10.78)
In a report published a week before polling was due to begin, the Christian Centre in Windhoek detailed a large number of alleged irregularities in voter registration, collected from witnesses throughout the country. Among its findings, the report concluded that fear of intimidation and threats played a major role in securing a high percentage of registered voters in Ovambo and Kavango; that misinformation and confusion were spread by the South African-controlled media — for example it was claimed on the radio that registration was in accordance with the Western settlement proposals, prompting many to register in the belief that they would be taking part in UN-controlled elections; and that in the non-homeland areas, employers played a major role in ensuring that their black workers registered. (See CHURCH UNDER SURVEILLANCE)
SWAPO also alleged widespread irregularities, concluding that the final electoral roll included 70,000 refugees from Angola and members of the rebel movement UNITA; 90,000 South African civil servants, members of the armed forces and police; 120,000 black workers coerced or blackmailed into registering by the fear of losing their jobs and/or salaries; 6,000 old age pensioners told that they would be unable to draw their pensions without registration certificates; and the names of 5,000 dead people collected from graveyards by DTA election officials. Those who registered voluntarily or out of ignorance amounted to 26–30% of the eligible population. (SWAPO statement issued in Windhoek, 23.11.78; RDM 20.11.78)
VOTING PROCEDURE * Voting took place in martial law conditions. Virtually every polling booth was closely supervised not only by police armed with machine pistols and military personnel, but also by armed officials of the DTA. (FT 5.12.78; WO 9.12.78) * while it was an offence under the election regulations to threaten or intimidate anyone not to vote (liable to a R3,000 fine and/or 3 years imprisonment), it was not an offence to intimidate anyone into taking part. * the polling officers and others in charge of voting were South African government officials, 120 of whom, including 51 magistrates and drawn from the Departments of Justice and Plural Relations, were brought in specially from South Africa. (WA 23.10.78) * in addition to 375 regular polling stations, over 100 "mobile polling booths" were established under regulations enacted by Justice Steyn. These were mounted on the back of government vehicles and were accompanied by military and police escorts. Whereas the conventional polling stations were open from 7am to 7pm, the mobile booths were authorised to enter land or other private property at any time of the day or night, to find out whether anyone was present who was not registered or who had not voted, and to collect their vote there and then. (Proclamation AG63 "Constituent Assembly and Election Proclamation 1978", SWAPO Official Gazette Extraordinary 20.9.78 No. 3826) * although, prompted by mounting criticism of the DTA's "hard sell" electioneering, an official proclamation was issued on 29 November prohibiting the distribution of food and refreshments by political parties at the polling booths themselves, these were freely available in the DTA tents outside. Other gifts distributed to voters included T-shirts, sun visors and badges. (RDM 30.11.78) * government vehicles, i.e. military vehicles in many cases, were used to collect voters from their homes and transport them to the polling booths. Voters were also airlifted and brought in by their employers. (WA 28.11.78; RDM 7.12.78) * as was the case with registration, SWAPO, other opposition groups and representatives of the church all alleged that irregularities occurred during voting, including threatening voters with arrest, loss of their pensions, jobs, medical attention or educational opportunities. The Windhoek Observer's political columnist commented that she had received calls from people all over Namibia "who believe they have to vote, and if not they could be penalised by means of a heavy fine." (RDM 5/19.12.78; WO 18.11.78)
On 9 November the SWAPO Administrator-General announced his intention to appoint a committee which would be able to investigate "any possible allegations of irregularities" in the elections. On 5 December, however, Justice Steyn revealed that he had handed a list of alleged irregularities over for investigation, not to any such committee, but to the police and Defence Force. Nothing is known of the latter's findings. (BC 10.11.78, 7.12.78)
MANY ARRESTS The arrest on the eve of the elections of six members of SWAPO's national executive inside Namibia, together with 80 members of the Youth League, meant that the liberation movement's Windhoek office was effectively put out of action at a crucial time.
DANIEL TJONGARERO (SWAPO Vice-Chairman), MOKGANEDI TLHABANELLO (Publicity Secretary), AXEL JOHANNES (Administrative Secretary), LUCIA HAMUTENYA (Secretary for Legal Affairs), JOHANNES KONJORO (Youth League Chairman) and SOLOMON GAMATHAM (deputy Secretary for Transport) were picked up in early morning raids on Sunday 3 December and held under Section Six of the Terrorism Act. Most of the six were due to speak at a mass SWAPO rally in Katutura township that afternoon. The detentions followed two bomb blasts in Windhoek on the Saturday afternoon and the discovery of a third unexploded bomb — incidents for which SWAPO was immediately held responsible by the South African police, the SWAPO Administrator General, Justice Steyn, and sections of the international press. In a statement, however, SWAPO not merely categorically denied any responsibility for the bombings, but stated their belief that the bombs were planted by the South African regime as a pretext for arresting the SWAPO leadership. The South African police, the statement pointed out, had on a number of occasions claimed to have the particular type of Soviet explosive used in their possession. (Press statement, issued on 4.12.78 by the office of the SWAPO Representative for Western Europe).
The 80 Youth League members were arrested after a SWAPO rally had demonstrated peacefully in Windhoek's main thoroughfare, Kaiser Strasse, around the time of the bomb explosions. Riot police armed with automatic weapons and wearing camouflaged uniforms travelled behind the march before it moved off in the direction of Katutura. Later, according to the Windhoek Advertiser, "mob panic" broke out when the police tried to arrest a group of demonstrators. SWAPO supporters many of whom had later to be admitted to hospital with injuries caused at the hands of the police, fled in fear. There was reported to be some shooting. Those arrested were released on 4 December after being served with summons to appear in court at a later date. They were given the option of paying admission of guilt fines of R20, or answering charges of staging an illegal demonstration. (SWAPO Press Release 4.12.78; WA 4/5.12.78; RDM 4.12.78)
Two days after polling began, on 6 December a further six SWAPO members were arrested in dawn raids in Katutura. Those detained were NELEO NGITOMBO, who was picked up together with her baby, CHRISTINA KANDIDA, JOHANNES NDUME, MARTHA GIDEON, MARIA JOHANNES and JOSEPH SHIFUGULA. On the previous day, a further bomb had exploded harmlessly in a Shell fuel depot in Windhoek's northern industrial area. Meanwhile, Daniel Tjongarero and Mokganedi Thibanello were reported by SWAPO to have been seen being admitted to the white state hospital in Windhoek with injuries indicating that they had been assaulted or tortured. Mr. Tjongarero was carried on a stretcher, and Mr. Thibanello was handcuffed and his face bruised and swollen. (SWAPO press release 7.12.78; RDM 8.12.78; WO 9.12.78)
On 8 December (in an attempt by the South African authorities to offset these allegations) two overseas journalists and an observer were allowed into the Windhoek prison to interview the six SWAPO executive members in detention. Special dispensation under the Terrorism Act was reported to have been granted by the South African Minister of Justice, Mr. Jimmy Kruger. The newsmen, John Parry of the BBC and Paul Iredale of Reuters, and US observer George Wittman, were however only able to question the SWAPO officials through Colonel Koos Myburgh, Chief of the security police in Namibia. Although they subsequently reported that the SWAPO officials appeared in good health and relaxed, they revealed that Lucia Hamutenya had said she had been slapped in the face and kept standing without sleep for three nights. "She looked frightened and seemed close to tears". Ms. Hamutenya kept SWAPO's Windhoek office running when all other SWAPO executive members were in detention earlier in 1978. The police denied her allegations but admitted that it was normal procedure to check on detainees every half-hour at night to see they had not committed suicide. Johannes Konjoro said that he had been interrogated throughout the Sunday night, while Daniel Tjongarero was reported to have stated that he had not been tortured. Colonel Myburgh said it was planned to interrogate the SWAPO leaders extensively but to date most of them had simply been given a pen and paper and asked to tell their stories.
On 27 December, the police announced that all 6 SWAPO executive members had been released. Axel Johannes subsequently alleged that he had been assaulted during interrogation by a security policeman (WA 27.12.78; RDM 30.12.78)
Other reported arrests during the election period include: - * TOMMY DROTSKY, Chairman of SWAPO's Windhoek branch, detained under Section Six (Tel. 6.12.78) * Nine people detained at Otjimingwe and Fransfontein for alleged offences under the Election Proclamation AG 63. A total of 18 people, including a number of members of the Namibia National Front, were reported to have been arrested for allegedly preventing voters from reaching the polls. They had allegedly confiscated voters' registration cards. They included Chief OSKAR KHARUCHAB and Chief JOHANNES HENDRIKS of the NNF. Chief Kharuchab was due to appear in the Usakos Magistrates Court on 8 January. (Tel 6.12.78; RDM 7.12.78; WO 9.12.78, 6.1.79) * Five members of SWAPO were detained after an explosion in Swakopmund at the New Year (see WORKERS ON STRIKE)
