The general elections which the Smith regime is proposing to organise on 20 April will (if they take place at all) be held amidst a climate of desperate and uncompromising purges by the security forces, and intense political repression.
There are really no objective grounds for arguing that, if nothing more, the elections should at least be taken to indicate that the internal settlement retains some measure of popular support within the African community and that the results should therefore be taken into account in any subsequent negotiations over Zimbabwe's future. On the contrary, the election arrangements that have been put in hand by the regime indicate that voting will be a traumatic experience for the great majority of the black population. According to the Observer's Salisbury correspondent, for example, "an all-out military sweep has been launched in tribal areas with the aim of ensuring a high turnout. The methods used, however, hardly appear gentle. One company commander told me: 'The way we're going about it this country will end up with a white majority.'" (Obs 4.3.79)
Even if the Patriotic Front were willing to take part in elections held under the terms of a constitution which entrenches white rule for at least the next decade (and which hence makes the election result a foregone conclusion) its component parties would be unable to do so. Both ZAPU (ANC (Zimbabwe)) and ZANU (People's Movement) are illegal organisations inside Rhodesia (the bans were reimposed at the time martial law was declared in September 1978), and the great majority of their internal leadership are in detention, with no prospect of release (see DETAINEES). (Details of the regime's proposed independence constitution were published in FOCUS 20 p.5).
Arrests under the Law and Order (Maintenance) Act and emergency legislation continue at a high level. According to one journalist, "people suspected of 'collaborating' are picked up and held without charges ever being brought against them. There is evidence to suggest the existence of what amount to concentration camps where people are being held. The places that I heard most frequently of were Nkai (where over 500 women and children are held in the most appalling conditions - no shelter whatsoever, mealie meal and water only once a day), Connemara, Lupane, Tjolotjo and Ross Camp. These places have been brought to the attention of a legal aid organization and the ICRC (Red Cross), who have requested permission to visit and met with a complete refusal." ("Report on a visit to Rhodesia 10th to 22nd January 1979", SANA; see FOCUS 18 p.2 for allegations in the Rhodesian House of Assembly that Keyara security forces base camp had been turned into a "forced labour camp")
Over 90% of Zimbabwe is now subject to martial law. On 12 January a further 15 martial law districts, mainly in the north, the east and the Midlands and including both tribal reserves and white farming areas, were promulgated. Salisbury and Bulawayo, and areas each side of lines connecting these two main centres, and between Karoi and Umtali, are now reported to be the only parts of the country still under "civilian" rule. At the end of February, the convoy system on the main highway running south of Salisbury was extended to begin only 45 miles from the capital, while within the Salisbury boundary itself, a dusk-to-dawn curfew has been imposed on the Kopje overlooking the city. Curfews have also been imposed on industrial areas in Salisbury and Bulawayo. (RDM 13.1.79; BBC 15.1.79; Obs 4.3.79)
Conditions in the martial law areas are extremely difficult. There is evidence that the security forces have embarked on a programme of systematic reprisals, burning homes, confiscating property and carrying out mass arrests. On 8 January, for example, the regime itself reported that black civilians who had allegedly given shelter to guerillas in the eastern operational area had been forcibly evacuated from their homes by the security forces. A large number of huts had been set on fire and destroyed to prevent reoccupation. Instructions for the operation had been issued in December under the martial law regulations. (BBC 10.1.79)
Further evidence that large scale destruction of homes and property by the security forces is now extremely common in the martial law areas has been collected by the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP) and Christian Care. Over a four month period from September 1978, the CCJP recorded that 718 families had their huts burnt down by security forces in three of the country's Roman Catholic dioceses - Salisbury, Gwelo and Umtali. Four complete villages were burnt down on 13 January in the Mangwende TTL east of Salisbury, in addition. (Obs 28.1.79)
Numerous atrocities by the security forces have also been reported by the liberation movement. In the course of the week ending 27 January 1979, for example, ZAPU (Patriotic Front) recorded the deaths of more than 195 people shot or tortured to death, or in some cases killed through the use of poison. The incidents occurred in the Lupane and Sipolilo areas, among others. (ZPV 3.2.79)
Steps taken by the regime to isolate the guerilla forces from sources of support within the local African population have led to critical food shortages in the rural areas. Tactics such as closing down stores and grinding-mills as a form of reprisal against villagers suspected of assisting guerrillas have assumed a familiar pattern over the last five years. In areas such as Mount Darwin, maize meal may only be bought retail on production of a permit from the District Commissioner. (Debates 9.2.79; see STARVATION THREAT)
The evidence that private armies, or "auxiliary forces", recruited by Bishop Muzorewa and Rev. Sithole in particular, have been responsible for persistent looting, robbery, intimidation, rape and murder is now extensive and well-documented. Examples of both men and women being forcibly "conscripted" by the private armies are numerous, while the high incidence of factional violence between the black parties to the internal settlement is another important factor to be taken into account in considering whether elections can possibly be "free and fair". In fact, the black internal leaders have made no pretence of the function which their armed supporters are intended to fulfil during the election period i.e. to ensure a high turn-out. Inmates of a military training camp on the outskirts of Salisbury for UANC supporters and recruits for example, told journalists who visited them in 1978 that their mission was to "teach people how to vote". (Illustrated Life Rhodesia 4.1.79) (The origins and growth of the private armies, and the responsibility which the regime bears for their existence and activities, are described in "Private Armies in Zimbabwe", a paper presented by IDAF to the first session of the International commission of Inquiry into the Crimes of the Racist and Apartheid Regimes in Southern Africa, February 1979).
On 23 February the regime's Combined Operations Headquarters announced that there would be a special call-up in all services of the security forces for the period 12 to 24 April inclusive – in other words, a general mobilization. All deferments and exemptions from military service issued before 2 March would be withdrawn with the exception of a limited number of key personnel or in the event of extremely urgent private affairs. All regular members of the security forces, and all public servants with military commitments had previously been told that all leave would be cancelled during this period. The statement concluded that the security forces would "spare no effort to ensure the safety of voters" (BBC 10/26.2.79).
The regime's decision, announced on 12 January, to introduce compulsory military service for men in the 50-59 age group, was undoubtedly made with the elections in mind. The first group to be called up were to be men with military experience who had recently turned 50. An official statement explained that they would be used for "short duration static guard duties in urban areas" and would serve a maximum of 42 days a year, mainly part-time. (FT/Tel 13.1.79)
The regime itself has admitted that its military manpower resources are too thinly spread to allow continuous security in any one area. Although the date of 20 April has been announced for the elections, it appears that the regime is planning to conduct polling on a province by province basis, spread over several days. This would enable each province or district to be saturated with Rhodesian troops at the time voting takes place. (Obs 4.2.79)
In an interview on 15 February, the Commander of Combined Operations Lt-Gen. Peter Walls said that "any question of disruption of the elections must be met by a maximum effort from us. Therefore we have had to arrange that a lot of people will be available to help ... not only to afford security at the polls and a general atmosphere of security, but also to help with the administration of the election itself ... It won't stretch us beyond our means at all, but we will be making a flat-out effort ... Obviously we are not just going to go and sit round the polling booths and suggest to people that they make their way there. We will continue to operate internally and externally to make sure that we create the right atmosphere for people to be able to vote. The guarding of polling booths, the protection of routes, and all the rest of it – that's all part of the overall deployment plan and tactics". (BBC 17.2.79, reporting Rhodesian Broadcasting Corporation).
Since 1975 over 160,000 Zimbabweans have fled into exile in neighbouring Mozambique, Botswana and Zambia, and will obviously be excluded from the April elections. Thousands of other refugees from the war zones, however, are now living in squatter camps on the outskirts of the main urban centres. It is estimated that Salisbury, where the population at June 1978 was officially given as 610,000, in fact has a population approaching one million. Bulawayo (officially 358,000) is estimated to have nearly half a million. Despite their destitute condition, the war refugees are being required by the municipal authorities to pay rent for the ground that they are occupying, and with the exception of the few who have managed to find some means of livelihood by selling produce or as casual labourers, are totally dependent on the Red Cross and other relief organizations. In other words, they constitute a captive electorate as far as casting their votes is concerned.
Residents of protected villages or keeps are similarly in no position to boycott the elections on political grounds. Despite a few well-publicised moves by the transitional government to open protected villages and allow inmates to leave, the overall number of keeps seems if anything to have increased. In the Beitbridge area, for example, there are reported to be a total of six protected villages housing nearly 10,000 people. Starvation is a serious threat, with some keeps now totally dependent on food provided by relief organisations. In one keep at Tshiturapadzi 26 children were reported to have died in November 1978, and 35 in December. ("Report of a visit to Rhodesia", ibid, SANA).
As previously reported in FOCUS (20 p.5), voters of all races are due to elect the 72 black members of the reconstituted House of Assembly. The country is to be divided into 8 provinces based on existing administrative boundaries, to which parliamentary seats will be allocated in proportion to the number of potential voters in each region. Voting is to be conducted on a party list system. Seats in the House of Assembly will then be apportioned according to the number of votes cast for each party.
In January, the regime's Executive Council appointed a full-time directorate to organize and coordinate all matters relating to the 72 black seats. In keeping with the militaristic nature of the whole election exercise the directorate is comprised of senior representatives of the National Joint Operations Command and the Ministries of Internal Affairs and Information. The directorate's main function is to secure a high turnout. (BBC 19.1.79)
There will be no prior registration of the estimated 2.8 million black voters, who need only to present themselves at polling stations with proof of identity. One of the tasks of the directorate is to specify what such proof may consist of. According to a statement from the Registrar-General, non-citizens will be permitted to vote for the 72 black seats if they are qualified to register as citizens but have not yet done so.
An estimated 100,000 registered white voters will be electing 20 white reserved seats in addition to voting for the 72 black seats. The 50 white constituencies for the old House of Assembly are being reduced to 20 by a delimitation commission. (BBC 8.2.79, 26.2.79)
Voting is to be staggered over several days, to enable Rhodesian troops to move between polling booths (see above under CONSCRIP-TION).
According to ZAPU (Patriotic Front) the regime is planning to keep the election of polling booths a secret until the last moment. Voters will be transported to the booths by the police and army. (This procedure was according to ZAPU followed in the 23 January white referendum, for which all polling points were in urban areas. The regime subsequently reported that 71.5% of the white electorate had gone to the polls). (ZPV 3.2.79)
In spite of the massive military precautions being taken to get both black and white voters to the polls, Mr. Ian Smith has stated that he would be satisfied with a 20% turnout and that this is sufficient for international recognition of the minority rule independence constitution. (GN 5.2.79)
The regime has in recent weeks stepped up its bombing attacks into neighbouring African countries including, for the first time, Angola (see SA ATTACKS INTO ANGOLA p.6). Regime spokesman have explained that these attacks form part of its election preparations and are intended, like its general mobilisation of troops inside the country, to create a conducive atmosphere for voting. Speaking at a news conference in Johannesburg on 13 March, Lt-Gen Walls promised that the raids would continue. "We have always made it clear that defence of the country and its people means aggressive defence". Asked about the possibility of the regime receiving military assistance from South Africa, he said that he certainly hoped that South Africa would be prepared to extend not only good will but also moral and material support, "as a non-combatant, non-taking-of-sides type of thing". (BBC 15.3.79)
