The attempts by the South African regime to strengthen the political structures of apartheid, a major focus of white politics for some years, intensified during the past year.
The situation in August 1981 was analysed in Briefing Paper No. 3 ('Entrenchment of White Domination: A review of constitutional proposals', IDAF November 1981). The paper concluded that the proposals presented as 'reforms', while offering small concessions to a minority, were a means of entrenching and safeguarding white domination; and that they were a response to the growing weakness of the subordinate political structures imposed on the Coloured and Indian communities during the 1960s. It also drew attention to the restructuring of the regime in a way which established military control over strategic sectors of the economy, government and administration.
The developments in the year since the Briefing Paper was published have underlined and confirmed its conclusions.
The Prime Minister, P W Botha, announced proposals at a special Federal Congress of the ruling National Party at the end of July. Press reports uniformly describe the reception of the proposals by the congress as enthusiastic. This appears to have been particularly so in relation to statements that they contained nothing that was not implicit in the proposals which have been National Party policy since 1977. Delegates were also reported to have been persuaded that the plan meant; in the words of a newspaper report, that 'the National Party would retain a stranglehold on power' (ST 1.8.82, S.Exp 1.8.82).
The structures proposed (see Box) would exclude the majority of the country's population, the Africans, (21.0 million) and would bring the Coloured and Asian sections into a common political system with Whites, under White control. This would involve creating an executive president with very wide powers reducing the power of the Cabinet and Parliament, and instituting a number of procedures for the resolution of disagreements within the legislative system which would guarantee effective control by the white minority.
These aspects of the proposals mean that giving a Parliamentary vote in the new system to the Coloured and Asian sections of the population (2.5 millions and 0.8 millions respectively) would pose even less of a threat to the whites (4.5 million) than would be the case under the present system. This is reinforced by the restructuring of the political system that has already taken place independently of formal constitutional plans.
The power of the Cabinet and Parliament have, in fact, already been considerably reduced under Botha's premiership. It is generally believed that the State Security Council (SSC) has supplanted the Cabinet as the effective decision-making body (Briefing Paper No. 3).
According to a recent press report, the State Security Council 'is to become the most important functional element of the executive presidency'. Apart from the Ministers of Defence, Foreign Affairs and Law and Order (Police), the SSC includes the Secretary for Security Intelligence, the Chief of the South African Defence Force and the Commissioner of Police. Botha is believed to have used his power to co-opt to bring onto the SSC his most powerful ministers not already ex officio members, as well as representatives of all the intelligence services, heads of the main departments of state and senior planners (ST 11.7.82).
RESPONSES
The acceptance of the proposals by the special Federal Congress of the National Party and their subsequent acceptance by the provincial congresses, make it possible that legislation to implement them will be introduced during the next Parliamentary session, in 1983, unless resistance from within the black community causes delays.
As far as whites are concerned, opinion polls suggest that a majority support the proposals. A by-election in Germiston shortly after the announcement of the plans showed
THE PROPOSALS
The main proposals are set out below. They revolve around the maintenance of two basic principles of the apartheid constitutional structure: white domination and the exclusion of Africans from participation in central government.
- There will be an executive president combining the powers of the present Prime Minister and State President, elected for five years by an electoral college which will in turn be elected by three separate chambers of Parliament. The college will consist of 50 White, 25 Coloured and 13 Asian members.
- There is no mention in the proposals of the State Security Council.
- There will be a Cabinet, containing White, Indian and Coloured members appointed by the President. There will be separate Cabinet Committees consisting of members belonging to each of the three groups.
- The legislature would have three separate White, Coloured and Asian chambers. Legislation affecting all groups will have to be passed by each chamber sitting separately. The President decides whether or not legislation affects one group or all.
- The three legislative chambers will be linked by a set of committees to deal with proposed legislation. In the event of disagreement within committees or between chambers, the Presidents Council will arbitrate subject to the ultimate power of the President to make decisions.
- The President's Council will have 35 members nominated by the President and 35 elected by the majority parties in the three legislative chambers (20 White, 10 Coloured, 5 Asian).
- At local government level, the Group Areas Act is to be retained and separate White, Coloured and Asian local authorities should exist wherever possible. At the metropolitan or regional level, bodies would be established, consisting of representatives of the local authorities, for administering joint services and matters deemed to be of common interest to the separate groups.
a great increase in support for parties to the right of the National Party giving them a combined majority. While most newspapers presented this as representing widespread opposition to the plans, others pointed out that there was no concrete evidence that this did reflect opposition throughout the country, or posed a threat to the National Party (ST 15.8.82; RDM 20.8.82; S.Exp 22.8.82).
Within the black community, there was evidence of only minority support for the proposals, and clear signs of widespread opposition. The exclusion of the African majority as well as the power of the Whites in the new system were main reasons given.
The successful boycott of the South African Indian Council (SAIC) elections in November 1981 made clear that the Indian community rejected apartheid political institutions, a fact apparently accepted even by most members of the SAIC (FM 6.8.82; FOCUS 38 p.12).
While the leadership of the Coloured Labour Party (which until now has participated in government-created structures) showed signs of being divided about the proposals, the broader membership of the party showed its disagreement. A meeting of representatives of 20 Management Committees in the Cape Peninsula called for a total rejection of the proposals at a meeting in August. The committees are the local level of the apartheid political system for the Coloured and Indian communities. The Cape Peninsula committees constitute 70 per cent of all committees and their position could result in a rejection of the plan by the national association of management committees (RDM 22.8.82).
AFRICAN STRUCTURES
The exclusion of Africans from participation in the central government of the country was reaffirmed by the Prime Minister both at the National Party Federal Congress in July, and in Parliament in April. Outside of the bantustans he said that they could have only local government rights in 'autonomous local authorities'. He emphasised that the ways in which Africans in townships outside the bantustans would be linked up with the bantustan structures was 'a matter of great priority' (RDM 17.4.82, S.Exp 1.8.82).
In June 1982 the Black Local Authorities Amendment Act was passed, providing for increased powers to be given to the Community Councils, (set up by the regime in 1977 to administer the African townships outside the bantustans). This act is one of three proposed pieces of legislation presented as bringing in 'a new dispensation' for Africans in urban areas outside the bantustans. The other two, the Orderly Movement and Settlement of Persons Bill and the Black Community Development Bill were referred to a select committee and are due to be discussed in 1983. The former of these bills, aimed at sharply tightening the pass law system and 'influx control' was described in Focus 43, p.11.
Depending primarily on rents and tariffs for services as sources of revenue, the Councils have been in constant conflict with the people in the townships and have come to be seen as agents of the regime and powerless to advance the interests of the people in the townships. A government committee of enquiry, the Browne Committee, concluded in 1981 that the councils would depend heavily on rents and tariffs for a long time to come. It is not yet clear whether the proposed Black Community Development will provide adequate new sources of finance.
Difficulties in formulating legislation which would both meet criticism of the Council system and keep within the terms of apartheid policies, has led to several delays in the legislative procedure. Elections to the councils have been postponed three times (from September 1981 to January 1982 then from September 1982 and then to November 1983).
Opposition to the councils, evident in the low polls in earlier elections, especially in the cities and big towns, appeared to be taking the form of a boycott of the elections when their postponement was announced in July this year (S 21.7.82).
