New powers were given to the South African Administrator-General in Namibia, Louis Pienaar, after a visit to Windhoek in early April by P W Botha and top South African officials. The move was a further indication that Pretoria will re-establish direct rule over the territory if the Multi-Party Conference (MPC) administration, which was installed by South Africa, does not do as it is told. It also provided a clear indication that the regime is preparing to crack down on SWAPO and the media.
The South African delegation, consisting of P W Botha, the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Finance, Education and Defence and the commander of the South West Africa Territory Force, talked briefly with representatives of the MPC administration. They also met with the head of the Ovambo bantustan administration, Peter Kalangula, who has refused to participate in the MPC. After the meetings, Botha issued a press statement declaring that he would empower the Administrator-General to:
- Dissolve elected authorities in Namibia so that elections could be held;
- Refer verdicts of the Supreme Court of South West Africa to the South African Appeal Court;
- Veto attempts by the MPC to abolish any existing authorities.
These measures stripped the MPC of many of its already limited powers and effectively prevented it from implementing one of the main objectives of the majority of parties in the central administration: abolishing the bantustan or second-tier authorities and replacing them with regional bodies.
THREATS AGAINST MEDIA
While demoting the MPC, Botha announced that the South African authorities would take 'suitable steps' against the media which advanced 'subversion and terrorism'. This was widely interpreted as a threat against The Namibian, a weekly newspaper which has exposed South African military atrocities. Shortly afterwards, the police and army lodged complaints against The Namibian with the South African Media Council, which controls South African and Namibian newspapers. In addition, the editor and a staff member of the paper were subpoenaed to give evidence before a military Board of Inquiry on 20 May. The nature of the inquiry was not disclosed other than that it was 'classified secret or confidential'. There was a widespread belief in Namibia that the authorities would introduce a system similar to that in force in South Africa, whereby opposition publications would be issued with warnings and then closed down.
Botha also said that 'effective and suitable' action would be taken against organisations 'which use violence in order to advance their political aims' - a reference to SWAPO. There were indications that this would take the form of a system of registration for political parties in which they would be required to eschew violence. This might lead to the banning of SWAPO, which is engaged in an armed struggle. The regime has hitherto steered away from directly banning SWAPO.
If SWAPO is not prepared to condemn violence, then they will not be a legal party, and they will therefore ban themselves.
MPC CRISIS
The new powers of the Administrator-General are aimed at reasserting apartheid principles in the administration of Namibia and ending a long argument in the MPC over the future of the second-tier administrations.
The seven political groups forming the MPC were installed as a 'transitional government' by the South African regime in June 1985, and granted some powers of administration over Namibia. A Constitutional Council was established to draw up an 'independence' constitution: the objective was to undercut the UN plan for independence which Pretoria has obstructed for ten years.
By the end of 1986 the MPC had split into two factions and reached an impasse in its constitutional plans. Five parties favouring the abolition of the segregated second-tier and bantustan administrations published a draft constitution which would have done away with these structures. They saw this as essential to the credibility of the administration. On the other hand, the white National Party and the Rehoboth Free Democratic Party published an alternative draft, entrenching the segregated second-tier administrations.
In June last year the South African government publicly rejected the majority constitution and called for elections to the second-tier administrations. This was opposed by the MPC majority on the grounds that it would entrench the segregated structures. The question of the legality of the second-tier authorities was referred by the MPC to the Windhoek Supreme Court, to ascertain whether they violated a Bill of Rights introduced when the MPC was set up.
The issue was further complicated when the second-tier Administration for Whites declared that it would hold an election, against the wishes of the MPC majority in the central administration. Registration of voters began, but the MPC refused to dissolve the white body to allow the elections to take place.
In March this year the Supreme Court advised that the second-tier structures violated the MPC's Bill of Rights. The judges pointed out that the system entrenched discrimination and that the Administration for Whites had funds which were almost double those of all the other ten second-tier authorities combined. Furthermore the administration controlled 'a vast number' of schools, hospitals and other assets which were reserved for the exclusive use of whites. However, the court concluded that 'further action, if any' was the responsibility of the MPC authorities.
The court's findings were strongly criticised by the Administrator-General, Louis Pienaar. He said it was 'totally unacceptable' to Pretoria that the 'ethnic' or apartheid basis of authority in the territory should be undermined.
DIRECT CONTROL
The MPC majority was clearly taken aback by the sweeping powers promised by Botha to the Administrator-General, which would allow him at one stroke to negate political and legal efforts to abolish the second-tier authorities. Their credibility all but destroyed, they threatened to resign, but were told by Pienaar that they would be consulted before the promised powers were granted to him. A week later the measures were promulgated by proclamation in the South African government gazette, without consultation. The MPC authorities were then given pay rises of over 50 per cent.
South Africa should do away with the interim government, as it neither has the support of the majority of the people nor democratic backing... What we demand is the implementation of Resolution 435 of the Security Council of the United Nations. This is the route to peace, and peace is what we want more than anything. We want justice rather than injustice. We desire and demand our freedom and independence.
The MPC administration, which has never had any substantial support in the territory, has been practically immobilised by these developments. Its hopes for Pretoria-backed 'independence' have been reduced to setting up a National Anthem Committee and a National Flag Committee.
The South African authorities could now act more directly against SWAPO and other forces campaigning for genuine independence under UN Resolution 435. Pretoria is also likely to try and bring some of the bantustan administrations into play, especially the Ovambo administration. It is possible that elections will be held for some of the second-tier authorities to strengthen the apartheid base of the administration.
During the course of these developments, the South African authorities have made it clear in statements that they have no intention of implementing UN Resolution 435. They are instead seeking to consolidate their direct authority over the territory and to impose an administration which is moulded in their image. The military presence at the talks is evidence that the army too is keen to reassert more direct control. This was underlined by the fact that the commander of the largely Namibian-manned South West Africa Territory Force, which the MPC has described as 'our national army', sat with the South African delegation.
