On 10 June the apartheid regime renewed for a third year its emergency powers imposed in June 1986, focussing in particular on those opposed to participation in government-created political institutions.

In most respects the regulations were unchanged. Organisations and activists involved in mass mobilisation of resistance were again the principal targets, as were all forms of popular resistance. New measures were aimed at making restrictions on specific organisations more effective, at strengthening the means of controlling the anti-apartheid media, and at foiling a boycott and disruption of local authority elections in October.

In an attempt to justify the re-imposition of the emergency, P W Botha claimed that although the government had 'in recent times' curtailed violence and unrest in the country with some success, it was 'evident that there still exists a notable revolutionary climate in the country.' These sentiments were echoed by the Minister of Law and Order when he attacked the ANC and COSATU and 'almost 70 other Communist-infiltrated and manipulated trade unions'. He said that their effort 'is concentrated on the mobilisation and resistance of the masses. That this forms part of a revolutionary plan for South Africa, there exists today irrefutable evidence.' He said that the government had a three-pronged counter-revolutionary plan, consisting of 'security force action; good government and political and constitutional changes'.

Whilst the June regulations embraced the restrictions placed on organisations and activists since February, they included an additional weapon against these opponents of apartheid. A new regulation prohibits the publication of statements by people 'known' to be representatives of restricted organisations, like the UDF. This would prevent them from speaking in their personal capacities. Lawyers acting on behalf of the UDF said they were planning to contest the regulation.

Severe restrictions on the funerals of the victims of 'unrest' and 'security force' action were re-imposed in over 70 black townships in the four metropolitan areas of the country, covering the bulk of the urban African population. These restrictions were additional to those resulting from the annual ban on gatherings under the Internal Security Act which was renewed for the twelfth year in succession on 31 March - the ban prohibits all unauthorised outdoor meetings and any indoor gatherings at which educational boycotts or illegal strikes are discussed.

A new section of the Emergency Media Regulations empowered the Director General of Home Affairs to close a 'news agency' if it had not registered with the Department of Home Affairs by 31 July. This affects 'activity involving gathering, preparing, compiling, recording, or producing news material for publication'. Details of all publications the agency serves and all people involved in this 'activity' must be submitted.

The new measures met with widespread protest. The Anti-Censorship Action Group united freelance journalists, independent news agencies, and other media workers as well as churches and businesses, in a local and international publicity and protest campaign. Sixty freelance journalists agreed on 17 June to refuse registration if all other avenues of protest failed. This would render them liable to a fine of R500.

On 28 July the Minister of Home Affairs announced that the system of registration had been suspended for 'practical considerations', giving no indication of when it might be introduced.

If the system is imposed then apart from people working with the 14 established agencies specifically excluded from the scope of the regulation, the regulations require all media workers to register unless they can show that material for publication is supplied either as a 'casual or isolated act' or 'exclusively to' an agency 'of which he is an employee'. In a statement on 21 July the Minister of Home Affairs said that he never intended to register 'mainstream newspapers' as news agencies and if necessary would amend the emergency regulation to make this clear.

Registration can be refused or withdrawn if the Minister forms the 'opinion that it is necessary for the safety of the public, the maintenance of public order or the termination of the State of Emergency'. He can demand, at one day's notice, copies of all news material necessary for such an assessment. An unregistered periodical could be closed for six months, compared with the existing three months for registered ones.

Newspapers were even more strictly prohibited from showing signs of censorship. Not only was the prohibition on blank spaces resulting from censorship tightened, but newspapers may not indicate that another paper had been prevented from publishing a particular report.

The replacement of 'riot' with 'sedition' extends the circumstances of 'unrest' which cannot be reported, to incidents which do not involve violence.

Emergency restrictions aimed at preventing a boycott of local authority elections in October formed part of a strategy which the government said in June it would develop 'to make it possible for the largest number of people to vote'.

The emergency regulations both defined calls for a boycott as subversive and effectively banned organisations which oppose participation in the elections. The Minister of Information also made clear that none of the restricted organisations would be allowed to participate in the elections.

Restrictions on COSATU prevented it from campaigning against the government's constitutional proposals or against participation in the proposed National Council which the government presents as a forum for constitutional 'negotiations'.

The October elections occupy a key place in the regime's plans for imposing a constitutional structure intended to accommodate the political demands of the African majority without conceding white minority control. Since 1984 local councils have been identified as the foundation for a separate constitutional structure for Africans outside the bantustans. Popular rejection of the councils, forcefully expressed in the mass protests of the past four years, set back these plans.

The forthcoming elections are intended to reestablish the councils under the protection of emergency rule, and also to provide a basis for the selection of 'representatives' of Africans outside the bantustans to sit on the National Council with bantustan leaders. Plans for direct elections of nine regional representatives, reported in the last issue of FOCUS, were modified when legislation was introduced in parliament in June, to allow the election of 18 representatives by councillors elected in local elections.

In spite of regulations prohibiting calls to boycott the elections or reporting statements by representatives of restricted organisations, the widespread opposition is finding expression.

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