Mass resistance in bantustan areas reached a new level after the unbanning of the ANC by the central government in February and the release of Nelson Mandela. Bantustan leaders were put under renewed pressure to align themselves with anti-apartheid forces and distance themselves from the apartheid regime, which in turn deployed the South African Defence Force to prevent the immediate collapse of bantustan structures.

During March scores of people were killed and several hundred injured in the suppression of protests. Thousands were detained without trial or arrested, but the precise numbers were not reported.

The bantustan leaders most closely identified with Pretoria experienced the sharpest challenge.

Three 'independent' bantustans — Ciskei, Bophuthatswana and Venda — were affected. All had seen months of open resistance, involving both a general rejection of bantustan administrations as well as protests over specific issues including enforced incorporation of communities, poor housing, high rents and taxes and police and military violence.

The resistance, sustained in spite of months of severe repression, took on a more concerted form in February. On 7 February over 80,000 people marched through Garankuwa in Bophuthatswana, calling for the resignation of the bantustan leader, Lucas Mangope. In both Venda and the Ciskei people celebrating the release of Nelson Mandela were attacked by police — 11 were killed in the Ciskei and at least two in Venda.

At the beginning of March the situation became critical in all three bantustans, and control depended on military action.

On 3 March, with evident popular support, a group of officers in the Ciskei bantustan army took control while the head of the bantustan, Lennox Sebe, was out of South Africa. When demonstrations of support extended to attacks on property associated with Sebe's regime, a State of Emergency was declared and units of the SADF brought in.

On 7 March a State of Emergency was declared in four districts of Bophuthatswana — later to be extended to the whole bantustan. SADF units were put on standby, and bantustan forces and the SADF were said by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Pik Botha, to be 'co-operating and co-ordinating efforts to ensure stability'.

On 9 March, with the Venda bantustan administration paralysed by strikes and with schools closed in response to stayaways, the bantustan army and the SADF held 'a combined co-operation exercise'. Protests, however, continued, and on 5 April the head of the bantustan, Frank Ravele, resigned and the bantustan army commander took over.

The SADF also acted to support the authorities in the non-'independent' Gazankulu bantustan. Troops were deployed on 20 February, after the start of prolonged stayaways from school and work calling for the resignation of the bantustan leader, Hudson Ntsanwisi. Within a month at least 28 people had been killed and more than 1,100 arrested on charges arising out of the protests.

Although armed force prevented these bantustan administrations collapsing, certain political changes or divisions over policy did result. The military leaders in the Ciskei declared themselves in favour of re-incorporation and said the ANC and trade unions would be allowed to operate in the area. In March the Venda bantustan leader likewise declared himself open to re-incorporation and said that the ANC and other organisations would no longer be banned — these positions were maintained when the military took over in April. While Lucas Mangope declared that Bophuthatswana would stay 'independent', another official said re-incorporation was a possible option, depending on national developments. Members of the Gazankulu legislative assembly called for the withdrawal of the SADF.

In bantustans where officials had previously indicated a readiness to identify with, or at least move towards, anti-apartheid forces, political rejection of the bantustan policy had different consequences. In some areas the bantustan police and the SADF continued actively and often violently to act against opponents, particularly in Lebowa. Deaths or injuries caused by police shootings occurred in January and February in Qwaqwa, Lebowa and Transkei. However the leaders of these bantustans gave increasingly clear signs of a readiness to break with Pretoria.

On 21 February the head of the Lebowa bantustan, Nelson Ramodike, announced plans to co-ordinate moves in this direction by bantustan leaders. He said he would launch a 'consultative forum' for bantustan leaders to 'co-ordinate moves towards a negotiated settlement'.

These developments reflected a major struggle, not just over the future of the bantustans, but in particular their role in negotiations.

The government has not opposed proposals for re-incorporation as an ultimate goal, saying that this is a matter for negotiation. Indeed, before his removal Sebe proposed a form of incorporation aimed at pre-empting more radical changes that might arise through negotiations.

However, although the apartheid regime says it is ready to accept what emerges from negotiations, it wishes to structure the negotiation process itself in terms of apartheid divisions. In his speech to parliament on 2 February De Klerk addressed himself to those who participate in the bantustans and other government-created structures — their place in the negotiation process was, he said, assured. On the face of it this is incompatible with the position adopted by Ramodike who called for the dissolution of the bantustans in advance of negotiations to allow 'the people of South Africa to unite and speak with a single voice'.

The government's first meeting with the ANC was to be preceded on 5 April by consultations with leaders of the various apartheid political structures — the three segregated houses of parliament and the heads of the six non-'independent' bantustans. However the heads of four of these bantustans — all except Qwaqwa and Kwazulu — boycotted the meeting after the ANC postponed its talks with the government in the light of police violence in Sebokeng. Such developments have seriously put into question the attempt to use bantustans to divide the black majority during negotiations.

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