In various statements during the first half of the year, President De Klerk, the Minister of Constitutional Development, Gerrit Viljoen, and others set out the government's perspectives on negotiating procedures and a future constitution. They rejected the ANC's call for a constituent assembly and only accepted the principle of universal franchise provided it incorporated 'protection for minorities'.
The government's envisaged framework for negotiations was sketched out by Viljoen on several occasions. These were expected to start in 1991 and would include all parties in South Africa with a 'proven, acknowledged constituency', including representatives of parties in the non-'independent' bantustans and the segregated parliament, as well as groups such as the ANC and the United Democratic Front. It was unclear if the government itself would be represented at the negotiating table or whether the ruling National Party would represent the views of those currently in power.
Both Viljoen and De Klerk repeatedly rejected the ANC's call for an elected constituent assembly, which De Klerk argued would cause a 'constitutional vacuum', and undermine 'good government' during the negotiating process. The implication was that the government intended to retain sovereignty during negotiations.
Once the new constitution had been agreed, Viljoen said it would be put to a referendum before the end of 1992. The referendum would be held amongst all the apartheid-defined 'population groups' although the votes could be counted separately. The constitution would have to be approved by all three houses of the segregated parliament, a process which both Viljoen and De Klerk hoped could be completed by September 1994 when the government's term of office is due to expire.
This scenario differs from that put forward by the ANC which has called for an interim government and elections to a constituent assembly. Thabo Mbeki, the ANC's director of international affairs, said in May that elections would indicate clearly what support the various parties had, and that an interim government would be needed until a new constitution was adopted.
Government constitutional proposals also differ in key respects from those advanced by the ANC, which stresses a democratic, non-racial, unitary system. De Klerk has expressed the view that universal franchise should be qualified by 'minority protection'. Government statements generally suggest a two-chamber system in which the second chamber would have built-in minority representation.
There is little clarity on the definition of 'minorities'. Government representatives claim that the concept of a 'minority' is not a euphemism for the perpetuation of apartheid-defined 'groups'. Minority groups will be 'open' and defined 'on the basis of free association' and not 'in racial terms', according to Viljoen. He has proposed instead that they be defined in terms of language, culture, 'ethnicity' or 'community values'.
The projected role of the bantustans is unclear from government statements. The 'independent' ones were excluded from the government's list of potential negotiating partners earlier in the year and allocated 'observer' roles. De Klerk met with the leaders of the six non-'independent' bantustans in June. Some were reported to have rejected De Klerk's negotiating strategy, and an ANC official said that all 10 bantustan leaders, except for those of Bophuthatswana and Kwazulu, backed the stance of the ANC regarding negotiations.
