In contrast to the limited success which the government had in maintaining the alliance of forces around its policies, there was a clear growth in the unity and the scope of forces supporting the democratic perspective represented by the ANC.
During 1989 the centrality of the ANC was reflected in its effective unbanning through mass action, in the role of Nelson Mandela as a national leader even while still in prison, and in the Conference for a Democratic Future which brought together the widest ever range of forces in united opposition to apartheid.
The formal unbanning of the ANC and other organisations, and the release of Mandela, created conditions even more favourable for the unifying of all anti-apartheid forces. The process was impeded by the failure of the government to release all political prisoners or allow the return of all exiles, and by continuing violence. However, the new conditions facilitated the transformation of the ANC from an underground organisation with headquarters in exile to a legal mass political organisation.
In January eight senior ANC leaders who had been released from prison, accompanied by trade union officials and leaders of the United Democratic Front (UDF), went to Lusaka for discussions with the ANC's National Executive Committee (NEC). Immediately after the un-banning of the organisation members of the ANC again met with internal leaders to review strategy. On his release Mandela spoke at mass rallies in all four provinces of South Africa and then met with the NEC in Lusaka, where it was announced that the ANC would be moving its headquarters to Johannesburg.
The legalisation of the ANC led to a reassessment of the role of its allies, in particular the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU) and the UDF. The UDF continued as a separate structure, but acknowledged the leadership of the ANC in policy matters. In March 1991, however, the organisation decided to dissolve and to re-form as a non-political alliance of civic and community organisations.
SACTU dissolved itself and integrated its resources and personnel into COSATU, while the South African Youth Congress (SAYCO) decided to disband and become part of the ANC Youth League, which was relaunched in October. Other organisations, such as the Johannesburg Democratic Action Committee, the Durban Democratic Association and the Natal Indian Congress, also decided to disband and encourage their members to join the ANC.
In April a formal alliance was announced between the ANC, COSATU and the South African Communist Party (SACP). The SACP itself, also unbanned in February, was formally relaunched in July. The forces represented by this alliance were strengthened by COSATU's continued expansion into new regions and economic sectors, and the level of industrial action by organised workers, which was the second-highest ever.
ANC organisational work resulted in the establishment of regional structures and a network of local branches. This was accompanied by the development of policy through wide-ranging consultations with democratic formations. In conjunction with COSATU a discussion document on economic policy for a post-apartheid South Africa was drawn up. A constitutional committee developed the ANC's constitutional proposals and drew up a draft bill of rights. There were commissions, conferences or other initiatives to discuss policy on land, housing, local government, language and education. These involved the ANC and organisations of the mass democratic movement.
The disruption of recruitment and organisation resulting from the violence involving Inkatha and sections of the security forces during July and August, and the delay in the government's implementation of agreements on the release of prisoners and return of exiles, led to a postponement of the ANC's planned National Conference until June 1991. Instead, a consultative conference was held in December, focusing on strategic issues related to negotiations. The conference called for a mass action campaign to press for the speedier release of prisoners and the return of exiles.
The alliance of forces organising for a democratic transfer of power was strengthened by the establishment of regional associations of civic organisations, thus integrating locally-based mass community action with the national political process. The Congress of South African Students, banned since 1985, was relaunched and a unified teachers organisation, the South African Democratic Teachers Union (SADTU), was established in October.
The shift of most of the bantustan leaders towards the ANC, and the resignation of the president of UMSA in October, indicated how far the growing unity of democratic forces was changing the structure of South African politics.
While some anti-apartheid organisations, in particular those within the black consciousness tradition, were divided and continued to stay outside the main alliance, there were signs by early this year that at least some might soon shift. Although the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) and the Azanian People's Organisation (AZAPO) remained formally opposed to engaging in talks with the government, both had meetings with the ANC during the year.
In December 1990 talks were held between the ANC and the PAC about joining forces in a united front against apartheid. The two organisations participated together in demonstrations on the day of the opening of parliament, and met together again at meetings convened in February by the Organisation of African Unity and the leaders of the Frontline States. There were plans to hold a conference of 'patriotic forces' during 1991 in order to further the process of unity.
Political violence gave an added impetus towards unity. During February action aimed at bringing violence to an end included joint interventions in the West Rand township of Bekkersdal by the ANC, PAC, AZAPO and Inkatha. This took place a few days after a meeting in Natal of ANC and Inkatha delegations, including Mandela and Gatsha Buthelezi, reached an agreement aimed at bringing peace.
