Countrywide mass mobilisation, rooted in resistance to oppressive conditions, was linked in various ways to the national political process. Sustained mass action based on a popular rejection of the apartheid system was the principal factor which led the government to recognise that it could not maintain the system indefinitely. Popular pressure put further strains on the conservative alliance on which the government's strategy had been based, and to the rebuilding of which it had given much attention during 1989.
The government assured those participating in official structures that they would have a place in negotiations, but their positions remained largely unclear, and many shifted during the year towards the ANC.
The government has said that matters such as the reincorporation of the bantustans and the dissolution of the segregated Indian and Coloured political systems are matters for negotiation, and has even indicated some support for such moves. Yet it has attempted to ensure that the negotiations process itself is structured in terms of the existing apartheid divisions.
In June the government had its first full meeting with leaders of the various apartheid political structures — the segregated White, Indian and Coloured houses of parliament and the six non-‘independent’ bantustans, as well as the four provincial administrators. A similar meeting had been planned shortly before the government’s first talks with the ANC, but it was boycotted by the heads of four of the bantustans after the ANC postponed the talks in protest at police violence. The leader of the Coloured house of parliament said he attended the meeting only to protest at police behaviour.
The June meeting focused on what the government termed 'the need for efficient government' during the transition to a new system. A further meeting was held in August, when, according to De Klerk, the prospects for federal or regional government were discussed and agreement was reached on 'fundamental restructuring' of the bantustan system after a new constitution had been negotiated. A constitutional working group was also established by the meeting, and a joint Inkatha-government constitutional working group was set up in November.
Although the 'independent' bantustans did not form part of these consultations, and were considered by the government as having only 'observer' status in the coming negotiations, the government also held consultations with their leaders. In addition it either facilitated or co-operated in the takeover of the administrations in two bantustans — Venda and Ciskei — by military forces, and mobilised forces to secure the Bophuthatswana bantustan administration in the face of widespread protests.
In the case of the Ciskei a threatened mutiny in February against the new military administration was met by the deployment of the SADF followed by the effective reincorporation of the bantustan into central government.
The uncertainty of the position of the bantustan leaders was reflected in their attitude to the ANC. In February 1990 the head of the Lebowa bantustan announced plans to co-ordinate moves by the bantustan leaders away from Pretoria.
The ANC was ready to include the bantustan leaders in an alliance of democratic forces, provided they normalised their relations with the people under their administration, and ended the repression of opposition.
In October the heads of the non-‘independent’ bantustans — with the exception of Gatsha Buthelezi of Kwazulu — met with the ANC and agreed to act as a united force with the movement in deciding on principles for negotiations. Leaders of three of the four bantustans met in early November to discuss re incorporation. A delegation from the fourth, Bophuthatswana, met with an ANC delegation on two occasions during November to discuss this and the need to end repression.
Representatives of most of the non-‘independent’ bantustans were also present, along with the ANC and other political organisations, at a meeting convened by Archbishop Tutu at the end of November. They joined in a unanimous statement of commitment to a democratic, non-racist and non-sexist government in a united country. The statement also requested bantustan leaders who had been discussing prospects for regional structures with the government to review their position.
The Labour Party and the Indian political parties participating in the segregated parliament maintained their collaboration with the National Party government, but came under popular pressure to resign from parliament and dissolve themselves as political organisations.
In November the Solidarity Party pledged its support for De Klerk and claimed its place in the negotiations process.
The Labour Party leadership was divided, but in December, after De Klerk had assured its annual congress of its place in negotiations, it reaffirmed its commitment to participation in government structures and supported the government in rejecting the call for an elected constituent assembly.